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Mabini the Mystery, by Nick Joaquin

From the July 28, 1962 issue of the Philippines Free Press.

National Artist for Literature Nick Joaquin writes about the genius of the legal mind of Apolinario Mabini—especially in his involvement in the First Republic—in the following profile, published in the July 28, 1962 issue of the Philippine Free Press.(Part of the commemoration of the sesquicentennial of Apolinario Mabini’s birth.)

Despite The Many Volumes He Left Behind, The Sublime Paralytic Was The Sphinx of the Revolution, And His Sickness Was His Secret.

A flowering of law immediately preceded the Revolution. That event had had a long line of harbingers, the earliest being the folk artists-builders, painters, sculptors, wood carvers, iconmakers – who stamped the country, from the Ilocos to Zamboanga, with a look of oneness. When the country had achieved a style of culture, the writers and propagandists arose to proclaim its oneness. Then, on the very eve of the Revolution, as though fate were indeed preparing the country for government, a galaxy of great lawyers appeared.

Mabini, who became a lawyer in 1893, was but the keenest of a group that would, in early American times, invest law with the prestige it still inordinately enjoys among us. Says Rafaél Palma of Mabini’s class: “Never in the memory of the University (Santo Tomás) had so many vigorous minds and such well-equipped talent been gathered together in a single hall.” The group included a future mayor of Manila, two future judges, two future assemblymen, a future provincial governor, and several future abogados de campanilla. But of that “brilliant nucleus of talented youth,” Mabini “stood out like a star of the first magnitude.”

The group would have assured the First Republic of a sufficient supply of legal talent; it did impress the Americans, when civil government was re-established, with the number of legal-minded Filipinos available for government positions.

Epifanio de los Santos has noted another stroke of providence in that class of 1893 that produced Mabini, the future prime minister and foreign secretary of the First Republic:

“It must have been most useful to him that among the subjects of the University should figure that of International law, public and private, something which, until the uprising of ’96, would seem to have no relevance to the practice of the law profession in the islands. An unexpected turn of events, developing from 1897 but principally in 1899, justified the existence of that subject, an eventuality the Spaniards themselves could not have suspected. But for this circumstance, it’s quite sure that neither Mabini nor any other of those directly involved in that ephemeral government (the First Republic) would have found themselves prepared for the grave responsibilities they had to face.”

The Filipino had advanced from folk art to literature and propaganda and then, just before the Revolution, to law. And from law it was but a step to self-government. The lawyer was represented in the Revolution by Mabini; and as if to make unquestionable our mastery of that most subtle and urbane of the professions, there’s no European schooling or sojourn to which Mabini’s accomplishments may be attributed.

Europe had been a necessary catalyst for the generation of Rizal. By the time of Mabini, the Filipino intellectual had advanced beyond the need for enlightenment abroad. Compassion has, in our times, been expressed for Mabini because be could not afford a European education, along with the gratuitous observation that he might have become even greater if he had studied in some German university instead of having to make do with backward local schools. But the very point of Mabini’s accomplishment is that all his schooling, all his training, was done right here in his own country. The argument of Rizal’s generation was that Filipinos were not yet ready for self-government because they had too little education and could not aspire for more in their own country. The evidence of Mabini’s generation was that it could handle the affairs of government with only the education it had acquired locally. It no longer needed Europe; it had imbibed all it needed of Europe. That is the cultural meaning of the break with Spain. Mabini proved that, without having to go to Europe to learn, he could find his way deftly through the intricacies of civil law and rise to the heights of international law.

His was a legal mind. He was interested in law as an idea, as an ideal, but not as a profession. He was never what we would call a practicing lawyer. Though he joined the Guild of Lawyers after graduation, he continued to work in the office of a notary public, set up no office of his own. But law was his life, his true love, and whenever he appears in our history he is arguing a question of legality.

He urged the surrender at Biak-na-bato but afterwards questioned its legality because “there was bad faith on both sides.” He was for the resumption of the Revolution but questioned the legality of the Declaration in Kawit because he felt that one man, a dictator, could not proclaim a nation’s freedom in the name of its people; only the people themselves could do that; and he did not rest until the Kawit act had been ratified by the representatives of the people in the provinces controlled by the revolutionary armies. He was for constitutional government but questioned the legality of the Malolos Constitution because, in his opinion, the Congress in Malolos was merely a consultative, not a legislative, body. He willingly stepped aside as prime minister to give way to Paterno but questioned the legality of the Paterno cabinet on the ground that its avowed policy – to seek an autonomous government under the Americans – violated the Constitution. He even saw the struggle between Aguinaldo and General Luna as a question of legality: Luna’s aspiration to topple the Paterno cabinet and replace it with one headed by himself was legal – “una aspiracion legal y correcta” – whereas Aguinaldo’s resentment of it endangered the rule of law by undermining military discipline.

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Mabini launched into his biggest fight after the Revolution, and again it was a battle over legality. In letter after letter, article after article, he sought to prove that the American occupation of the Philippines was illegal. He built up his case too well; it cost him his life; for he was deported to Guam, where bad food and prison conditions further weakened his already frail health. He died within three months after he was released.

But to the end we see his lawyer’s mind splitting legal hairs. He had asked for permission to return to the Philippines but was told he could not do so unless he took the oath of allegiance to the United States. He asked if he could return to the Philippines first and then take the oath. The answer was no. Worried that he might have been misunderstood, he hastened to explain that his request was not a “quibbling with my pen” to avoid taking the oath. He had wanted to return to the Philippines first to see for himself if the people had really accepted the government under the Americans. If they had, then it was a legal government – and he could take the oath of allegiance. But he wanted to see for himself first if the circumstances “justified” his taking the oath – “so that I may not be taken for a flippant man with no regard for his word.”

The picture we get is of a mind at once scrupulous and intricate, sharp and elusive. It is not, perhaps, a great intellect. He calls himself a man of letters but he shows no interest in literature or the arts, or in any other field outside law. His mind is of a single dazzling facet, not the multi-faceted marvel that distinguished the men of the generation just before him: Rizal, Del Pilar, the Luna brothers. Though born a peasant, he had no interest in agriculture. Though involved in a war, he did not bother to understand military strategy.

As a writer, his style is alternately plain and convoluted, but its qualities are legal rather than literary. He concentrates on polemic and abstraction; is not, one feels, really interested in people. He sees history as a series of problems confronting men, not as men confronting problems. In his Memorias, he remembers all the legal problems of the Revolution but not a single dramatic scene. He can write about such a portentous event as the June 12 act in Kawit without actually telling what happened, only whether it was wise or rash, but not if it was moving. He allows himself few flights of fancy. The closest he gets to being lyrical is in the True Decalogue, which might have been written by a Man of Reason of the 18th century, Mabini’s spiritual century.

What we have, finally, in the post-Revolution Mabini, is a lawyer endlessly, tirelessly arguing a case. And that is his greatness. For the case he seemed to have lost then, he is winning today.

It was inevitable that, having rediscovered June 12 and Aguinaldo, we should now be rediscovering Mabini; though it’s doubtful that the current interest in him will fetch him completely from the shadows, for those shadows are part of his element. There is a mystery about him. The sharp-eyed, sharp-tongued cripple moves behind veils, behind curtains. He was one of the most voluminous writers of the Revolution, we know almost everything about him as an official; but we know almost nothing about him as a man. We know he was sick; we do not even know why he was sick. The older generation clams up when the talk turns to Mabini the person.

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Even as a public figure, he never seems completely onstage; he always seems to be standing behind somebody else. As a young propagandist, he was behind the figure of his protector, Numeriano Adriano. During the Revolution, he was behind the figure of Aguinaldo. He was not a leader but rather a power behind the throne. Even after he and his cabinet have fallen, we still sense him hovering behind Aguinaldo, like the Mind encroaching on the Will. It has been claimed that many pronouncements of Aguinaldo’s were actually Mabini’s issued under Aguinaldo’s signature.

Of our heroes, Mabini was the sphinx – a verbose one but a sphinx nevertheless; and he may have carried his secret with him to the grave.

MIND ON WILL

The logical explanation for the aura of mystery around Mabini would be his sickness, which is, superficially, the most mysterious thing about him. The trouble is that there is no evidence the sickness wrought any decisive change in him. If he was a sober, austere, undemonstrative, single-minded, rather remote, rather dry person after his incapacitation, he was obviously all that even before it. His coolly objective attitude toward the world did not became notably subjective even when sickness should have forced him in on himself. We do not have here a young man full of sweetness and light whom a cruel fate turns into a serious thinker. He was already gray of hue even before his crippling.

A classmate of his has said that, as a young student, Mabini “never displayed the gaiety and joviality characteristic of the students of those times.” Even as a youth, he already showed no interest in human relationships, moved apart from his classmates, formed no real friendships. The only tie he formed during this period was with Adriano, who was an older man.

After his accident, he suddenly took interest in his former classmates, but only because he wanted to make use of them. One astonished classmate who had long disappeared into a provincial farm found himself summoned to Manila, to the house on Nagtahan, from which, he says, he emerged “completely transformed,” no longer believing that the destiny of the Philippines was wedded to that of Spain and eager to offer himself to the reform movement Mabini had described in “such convincing, such hypnotic terms.”

His classmates at the university also noticed that Mabini never fell in love, never even indulged in a flirtation. His youthful continence may have been dictated by his poverty: he never had enough money for books or room rent, let alone girls; but even when he became more affluent, after his graduation, he sought and formed no attachments. Love was never a factor in his life.

Nor can it be said that poverty was the factor, that the facts of poverty were what shaped his character, were what drained the juices from his heart. He does not seem to have been very embittered by it. Poverty was a dreadful inconvenience: that was all; but then, he was a man of frugal wants. We know he was poor, we do not feel he was poor: no man could have been more detached from the circumstances of his life. And it’s doubtful that he would have been very much different if he had been born rich. We automatically think of Bonifacio as proletarian, of Rizal as gentry; but we do not think of Mabini as a peasant at all. Despite his concern over the agrarian problem, despite his amazing awareness of the class struggle lurking just under the surface of the Revolution, he was himself a man of no class, belonging neither to the peasants nor to the ilustrados, and siding as often with one as with the other.

When the Liga Filipina split into moderates and radicals – or, rather, into the haves who had so much to protect and the havenots who had but their chains to lose – Mabini firmly chose to side with the propertied señores against Bonifacio’s proletariat – because Bonifacio’s revolt-minded faction was “tainted with illegality.” But when the Malolos Congress was divided over the question of whether power should reside in a parliament dominated by the rich or in a president backed by a peasant army, Mabini stood with Aguinaldo against the ilustrados – again because he saw the attempt of the Congress to locate power as “illegal.”

In short, Mabini was a man entire to himself, remarkably self-contained, looking out – and down – on the wracked world from his tower of pure law. Not friendship nor love nor class kinship ever bled him of emotion. And since this was already his temperament before he fell sick, his sickness would seem to have no relevance to his life. It was an accident, nothing more. We can ignore it, it has no importance, since it wrought no transformation in Mabini, apparently had no effect on him.

But, then, we may be looking for the wrong thing. We seek a transformation when the effect-the desired effect-of the sickness may have been, precisely, no transformation at all. What Mabini could have been after was the preservation of his detachment, of that inner solitude untroubled by friendship, love, clan loyalties, or any sort of emotional involvement. And the time when he fell ill-between 1895 and 1896 – was precisely the time when his precious detachment was in greatest danger of being swept away.

Poverty had hitherto served to protect him from friendship and love, but now he had a well-paying job: there was no longer any excuse for not going out into the world of men and women. Obscurity and his low birth had hitherto served to protect him from society, but he had been graduated from the university with signal honors, he was gaining fame as a lawyer and, most of all, he had plunged into the reform movement, which could mean being enmeshed in the sort of relationships he did not care for. Sooner or later, he would have to emerge from behind the back of Adriano and strike out as a leader on his own. But that, precisely, was what he did not want to be: a leader.

There is no parallel here with Rizal. Rizal, a more robust character, shunned involvement too, but because he knew he did not have the qualities of leadership. Mabini did, and he knew he did; but he was the type who could lead only as pure mind, not as will. https://ondepositproductionsslotsiwsnmmoneyrealinfinitycanwinyou.peatix.com. He had the intellectual equipment; he did not have the emotional power. He could project his mind, make Mind encroach on Will – but on somebody else’s will. Recall that classmate of his who emerged from the house of Nagtahan “completely transformed,” offering himself to Mabini for whatever task the reform movement might demand.

That was how Mabini wanted to operate: as pure mind. He was not a true leader but a natural “power behind the throne.” But the only way he could work as pure mind was to rid himself of his body, to be “without foot,” as he himself said. The trend of events of 1895-96 was, however, pushing him toward a more physical role in the reform movement than as a proselytizer of youth and a mentor of neophytes.

And at the very time when it seemed he would be called to act with mind and body and feet, he fell sick, became paralyzed, turned into a cripple. And from that crippling emerged ” the Brains of the Revolution,” the man who shaped the Republic from a hammock.

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Was not that what he had wanted all along? His constant, mock-pathetic references to his infirmity sound very much as if they came from a man who did protest too much. His sickness deprived him of nothing he really wanted and served as a shield between him and emotional entanglements, as poverty and obscurity had previously done. It saved him from being shot along with his mentor Adriano and all the other “moderates” who had thought to save their skins by disengaging themselves from Bonifacio, only to find too late that their prudence was their doom. But Mabini the Mind survived, because he had lost his feet.

It will be argued that this theory is tenable only if it can be shown that Mabini’s disability sprang from a willed sickness, not a fortuitous one, as seems to be the case. But it can be argued in turn that what happens to a man is very much like that man – is, in fact, the man himself. Psychologists seek in every accident some lurking intention, however dim; nothing in life is really fortuitous.

Anyway, the thing to do is examine the various explanations that have been offered for Mabini’s mysterious sickness.

RIDDLE IN MYTH

The most prevalent legend has Mabini falling sick because of an act of gallantry – in the polite, not impolite, sense of the word. A Frenchwoman’s horse had escaped from the stables during a tremendous storm and Mabini had run out to catch the horse for the Frenchwoman. Some say that he fell sick because he got soaked to the bone; others say that, besides getting soaking wet, he had fallen from the horse while riding it back to the stables. The trouble with this legend is that none of Mabini’s biographers have cared to cite it, not even Palma, who knew Mabini personally – which indicates that the legend’s veracity is not beyond doubt.

Another more pertinent legend -pertinent to the theory given above – has it that Mabini’s disability was a recurrence of a childhood sickness. The young Mabini had his first formal schooling in the poblacion of Tanauan and, according to the legend, he daily hiked the distance from his isolated barrio to the town proper, getting burned by the sun and chilled by the rains, and falling many a time, for Tanauan is rugged mountain country. Moreover, the boy, physically fastidious, had the habit of taking a bath whenever he came home from school, however tired or hot or drenched with sweat he might be. For this reason or the other, he contracted an illness that might have been infantile paralysis. He recovered; but, between 1895 and 1896, when Mabini found himself increasingly exposed to the world of men and women, the ailment mysteriously returned, leaving him paralyzed. There is material here to make a psychologist’s nostrils dilate – but, again, the legend is unsubstantiated, though we do have this hint, from contemporary folklore, that there may have an element of volition, however subconscious, in Mabini’s crippling.

The third legend was delicately alluded to by Palma and bears out Aldous Huxley’s contention that a man can develop one faculty to extraordinary proportions only at the peril of leaving his other faculties in a vestigial form. Palma’s allusion hints at this: that Mabini developed his mind at the expense of his body, and that the body took its revenge by betraying Mabini, who was a giant in matters of law but a baby in matters of sex. (One is surprised, in the portraits of Mabini in his later 30s, to see a man who has been through two wars, has been involved in a government during its most agonizing crises, and has been ill most of his life, looking so youngish and unmarked.)

The common gist of this third legend is that Mabini was the victim of a trap known in the current vernacular as pikot. He had a friend he sometimes visited, and during these visits he came to know the friend’s sister, who was much younger than Mabini, then around 30. On one such visit, a storm broke out and Mabini was persuaded to stay the night in the house. In the middle of the night, he discovered that he had been trapped, not only by the girl and her parents, but by his own vengeful body, which had yielded him up to passion. Horrified, he jumped out a window and fled through the cold rain. The fall from the window had maimed him and he was under treatment for about a year. Then, in January, 1896, he developed paralysis.

Like the other two legends, this third one is but rumor and hearsay, though it has the merit of having been mentioned, in print or talk, by at least two men who knew Mabini, who studied his life and wrote about it. All these legends have two things in common: rain and a fall. The third one is the most complex and detailed, and makes allegoric sense. If Mabini’s body did betray him, we can understand why he should want to punish it all his life, by turning it impotent. The man of reason and rectitude may have literally been paralyzed with horror at what he had done. But the tragedy, by annulling his body, left him all intellect, as he may have wished to be.

On the 98th birthday of the Sublime Paralytic, a monument by Tolentino was unveiled at the Department of Foreign Affairs in honor of the first State Secretary of the Philippines, the man who conducted armistice negotiations with the Americans, who advocated trade relations with the British even while the Revolution was going on, and who sought to elevate the cause of the Revolution to the very halls of the Vatican. The Mind was in fine form, but it failed. Aguinaldo’s Ministro del Exterior couldn’t get anybody in the world to recognize the First Republic. And the man who, to a certain extent, made Aguinaldo would end up disillusioned by what he had created.

Said Mabini in the end:

“The Revolution failed because it was badly directed, because its leader won his post not with praiseworthy but with blameworthy acts, because instead of employing the most useful men of the nation he jealously discarded them. Believing that the advance of the people was no more than his own personal advance, he did not rate men according to their ability, character and patriotism but according to the degree of friendship or kinship binding him to them; and wanting to have favorites willing to sacrifice themselves for him, he showed himself lenient to their faults. Because he disdained the people, he could not but fall like an idol of wax melting in the heat of adversity. May we never forget such a terrible lesson learned at the cost of unspeakable sufferings!”

Though this is Mabini close to emotionalism, never was his detachment so manifest. The Mind that had possessed and used the Will had withdrawn, and was now watching, with cold eyes, the discarded, diseased body dissolving “like an idol of wax.”